SERIOUS DANGERS FOR THE GLOBAL CLIMATE
The climate is facing three main problems:
- The global CO2 emissions are increasing despite all agreements
made.
- The current agreements are far to weak to prevent climate change.
- Developed countries try to scupper those agreements or water
them down.
TARGETS: INADEQUATE AND INEQUITABLE
The targets agreed in Kyoto will not save the global climate.
They are environmentally inadequate and represent a political deal
rather than an equitable solution to climate change:
-
Even if Parties achieved their targets fully, this would only
slow the projected rise in global temperatures by a fraction
of a °C - not enough to really halt climate change.
-
The levels of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere, projected
to be up 8% above 1990 levels by 2010, will only be about 0.4
% lower if all the Kyoto targets met.
- With or without the Protocol, after 2012, citizens in USA,
Canada or the EU will still emit much more than citizens in poorer
countries such as India or Mozambique.
-- Friends of the Earth calls for longer term targets based
on equity - equal rights to the atmosphere for everyone within the
boundaries of what the environment can bear. That is the only way
towards a fair and sustainable climate change treaty. --
AVOID ACTION BY NOT RATIFYING
For an international treaty to bind countries, they have to sign
and ratify it, which means usually that national parliaments have
to give their consent.
In order to enter into force the Protocol must be ratified by 55
Parties, including Annex 1 Parties accounting for 55% of CO2 emissions
in 1990. Many Parties (including the EU) wish to bring the Protocol
into force by 2002, in time for the tenth anniversary of the Earth
Summit in Rio. The USA, Canada and other countries threaten not
to ratify the Protocol, if the rules adopted at COP6 do not suit
them. This could mean that the Protocol never enters into force.
This (or even a long delay) is not an option and an irresponsible
threat because the atmosphere needs global action on climate change
now. So far, 84 countries have signed the Protocol and 22 have ratified
it. No Annex 1 Party has yet ratified it but some like France
and New Zealand are getting ready to ratify as soon as possible
after COP6.
ACHIEVE TARGETS WITH QUESTIONABLE MEASURES
To avoid real action at CO2 producing economies at home, the industrialised
countries have come up with other ideas how to decrease global CO2,
e.g. by reducing CO2 elsewhere or declaring forests as 'carbon sinks'
to reduce CO2 concentraion in the atmosphere. In the end, many of
these ideas are mere dodgy activities. Summarised, these ideas include:
Dodgy Activity No. 1: Buying Emission Credits -- You don't
want to reduce emissions at home by cutting back on energy use in
transport, housing and industry? Just pay for your reduction abroad
- maybe in a country that still favours nuclear power or has CO2
credits on offer because their production broke down due to political
changes in Eastern Europe
Dodgy Activity No. 2: Cutting trees and planting them anew
-- 'Carbon Sinks' reduce CO2 not by cutting emissions but by soaking
it up: Grow a big forest and get rid of tons of carbon bound in
the trees. But this CO2 could anytime be released again if the trees
are burnt or cut down. Even worse, naturally grown forests, rich
in biodiversity, might be replaced by monoculture plantations, which
appear to be more effective in soaking up CO2.
Dodgy Activity No. 3: Investing in developing countries to
sneak around CO2 reductions at home -- While this might be cheaper
in some cases or result in some useful projects, it will be often
be misused for not doing anything in the rich countries. Those will
thus not only avoid CO2 reduction but also the development of innovative
and sustainable technologies.
Dodgy Activity No. 4: Trust us; we will do our homework,
honestly -- Some countries like Japan refuse to agree on a strong
controlling and sanction system for those countries that do not
meet their reduction targets. Instead, they want the international
community simply to trust them. With regard to what these countries
have done so far in CO2 reduction (=zero), you can easily guess
what's behind that idea.
THE PROBLEM WITH SINKS
Sinks are the reverse of emission sources, i.e. systems that
store carbon, the main greenhouse gas. The inclusion of sinks in
the Protocol makes sense in way because the biosphere and the oceans
do store and release carbon and are part of the global carbon cycle.
However, planting trees rather than reducing emissions from fossil
fuels will not save the global climate cannot be saved. For one
thing, it is scientifically proven that the biosphere cannot store
all the carbon we could release, which is currently underground
in the form of oil, gas and coal ("saturation"). Also, there are
huge uncertainties and accounting problems involved with the use
of sinks to meet the targets. And if, as science indicates, forests
globally will become sources of greenhouse gases rather than sinks
- how can we be sure that a forest project will actually reduce
the amount of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere in the long run?
Planting trees is also not necessarily environmentally friendly:
a monoculture plantation soaks up much more carbon than an old-growth
forest but might destroy biodiversity. In the long term, we cannot
rely on trees and soil to soak up carbon, but we must stop burning
fossil fuels.
-- Friends of the Earth opposed the inclusion of sinks in the
Protocol. As they are included now, we argue for accounting rules
that will make it impossible for Parties to count activities such
as normal forest harvesting activities as climate protection measures.
We must make sure that reducing fossil fuel emissions remains the
main focus of the treaty. --
A compilation of testimonies on the negative impact of large-scale
monoculture tree plantations prepared for the COP6 can be found
here.
THE FLEXIBLE MECHANISMS
The so-called 'flexible mechanisms' were created to enable industrialised
countries to achieve or buy emission credits elsewhere. The main
argument was that climate change is a global problem and that it
therefore does not matter in which country emissions are cut. There
are three of these mechanisms: Joint implementation (JI), the Clean
Development Mechanism (CDM) and International Emissions Trading
(IET).
JI involves a project to reduce emissions in another developed
country (between Annex 1 countries) , while the CDM allows for similar
projects in developing countries (Annex 1 with non-Annex1 countries).
Both those will enable Annex 1 countries to claim emission credits.
Emissions trading will allow Annex 1 countries that have achieved
emissions reductions over-and-above those required by their Kyoto
target to 'sell' the excess to countries finding it more difficult
or expensive to meet their commitments.
The purpose of these mechanisms is to reduce the costs incurred
by Annex I countries in meeting their targets. At Kyoto, these market-based
mechanisms (as opposed to action at home) were the only way to make
the US and other negligent countries agree to binding targets. But
since then, they have halted real action to stop climate change
as Parties have become completely caught up in the complex and almost
incomprehensible detail of these mechanisms. The US, Canada and
others argue for maximum use of emissions trading - "unfettered
trading". They argue that to limit its use will undermine the effectiveness
of emission cuts by increasing costs. In contrast the EU has proposed
a "concrete ceiling" to the use of the Kyoto mechanisms - a complicated
system which would mean that countries meet at least 50 per cent
of their emissions reductions at home while having the option to
use the flexible mechanisms for the remainder.
-- Friends of the Earth argues that the overwhelming majority
of reductions must be made at home in industrialised countries.
This means that Annex 1 countries should only be allowed to use
the mechanisms for max. 20% of their reduction target. Otherwise,
sustainable development and equitable use of the atmosphere for
all the people in this world will never become a reality. --
JOINT IMPLEMENTATION (JI)
In accordance with Article 6 of the Kyoto Protocol, Annex I countries
(and in fact private companies) can engage in projects aimed at
either reducing emissions of GHGs in the atmosphere or removing
these gases from it through the enhancement of natural sinks (e.g.
sequestering carbon dioxide by planting trees, an example of using
sinks).
These projects must save emissions compared to what would have
happened otherwise (additionality). These savings are then called
emissions reduction units (ERUs) and they can be used to meet Annex
I countries targets. In a typical example, a UK company may invest
in a coal-intensive East European economy to build a gas-fired power
station. In the absence of the investment by the UK company, the
normal course of action for the Eastern European country would be
to build a coal-fired power station. Expressed in tons of CO2, the
reduction in emissions resulting from producing energy by using
cleaner gas instead of carbon-intensive coal provides the basis
for the calculation of the allowances (ERUs) to be transferred to
the UK company.
-- Friends of the Earth argues that only clean technologies
such as renewables and energy efficiency should be allowed as JI
projects. Nuclear in particular must be excluded and the use of
sinks projects must be restricted. Stringent criteria for the preservation
of biodiversity must be adopted by the Parties before any sink JI
project receives credits. All projects must ensure public participation
and transparency. Under these conditions, Parties could start implementing
good projects now ("Early Start"). --
CLEAN DEVELOPMENT MECHANISMS (CDM)
In accordance with Article 12 of the Kyoto Protocol, an Annex
I country can engage in projects in non-Annex I countries. The principle
is pretty much the same as with JI, but the projects must: i) reduce
emissions of greenhouse gases (GHG) into the atmosphere and ii)
help non-Annex I countries to achieve sustainable development.
The savings generated through CDM projects are called certified
emissions reductions (CERs) and can be used to meet the Kyoto targets.
An example of a CDM project would be to replace GHG-producing diesel
generators with GHG-free photovoltaic cells for the provision of
electricity to a rural village in a developing country. The Protocol
allows CDM projects to go ahead from the year 2000 and the CER generated
can be "banked" by the Annex 1 countries. The main difference between
JI and the CDM is that CDM host countries do not have any reduction
target. The Kyoto targets are calculated on the basis of Annex 1
emissions and there is a "budget" for maximum emissions, which is
basically the Annex 1 emissions in 1990 minus the reduction targets
(this is called assigned amount). But every CER generated in a non-Annex
1 country will be practically added to the overall Annex 1 budget
and will increase the overall amount of greenhouse gases that may
be emitted in the commitment period there. Simply speaking, every
ton of carbon reduced under the CDM might mean another ton of carbon
emitted in the Annex 1 countries. This is called the inflation of
the Annex 1 country budget.
Because of this, it is very important that only clean and "safe"
projects come under the CDM. If money is invested in renewables
in a non-Annex 1 country, it provides "safe" emission reductions
for decades to come. But at the moment, Parties are still talking
about allowing non-sustainable projects under the CDM such as coal
fired power plants and nuclear, and - very problematicly - sinks
projects. The problem with sinks projects is not only that they
will potentially be so cheap that no one invests in renewables,
but that the best carbon sinks are not the best habitats for wildlife.
In addition, it is very difficult to prove how much carbon a project
actually saves (stores) and - more importantly - whether the carbon
will remain stored. Sinks are not a safe option for meeting the
Kyoto targets. And every dollar invested in such projects will mean
more emissions from fossil fuels in Annex 1 countries. This will
keep us locked in dependency on fossil fuels and it is not fair
to the people in the South who are often deprived of land and are
then expected to soak up the excess carbon the North produces.
-- Friends of the Earth argues that Annex 1 Parties should
not be allowed to achieve more that 3% of their overall target through
CDM projects. We also oppose sinks (forest) projects under the CDM.
The CDM should be used to kick-start renewable energy and energy
efficiency technologies only. --
EMISSION TRADING (ET)
Article 17 of the Protocol allows industrialised countries and
economies in transition to participate in emissions trading. The
idea is that Country A can buy credits from Country B to count against
its target and vice versa. This mechanism may involve private companies,
which could trade amongst each other.
Two countries likely to have credits for sale are Russia and Ukraine,
whose economies have contracted since 1990. Put simply, they have
fewer factories burning less fossil fuel. These emission savings
are called "hot air" as they do not stem from real improvements
in the economy. Thus, the USA could buy reductions from Russia that
would never have occurred anyway. Developing Countries such as Argentina
are starting to show an interest in participating in the trading
regime. However, such participation could result in so-called "tropical
hot air" - these countries may end up selling fictitious emissions
reductions because their emission inventories are not clear. The
main problem with this mechanism is that it will work on an inequitable
basis. So far, there is no commitment to cut aggregate global emissions
by the 60-80% that most climate scientists agree is necessary. Trading
could then be used to bridge the time until the North has brought
down its emissions to sustainable levels. But unless it is conducted
within a universally agreed framework of meaningful reductions,
a carbon market alone cannot function to stop dangerous climate
change. It just means that another inequitable global market is
established.
-- Friends of the Earth argues for an exclusion of "hot air"
from trading. Only countries with sound emission inventories and
proper national systems to deal with trading should be allowed to
participate. Emission trading is only one instrument to reduce emissions
- and this will most likely only involve one sector - energy supply
and manufacturing industry. Therefore countries should not be able
to meet more than 20% of their target through international trading
- the rest must come from action at home. Countries that do not
agree to strong compliance rules and financial penalties in the
case of non-compliance should be excluded from trading per se. --
COMLPIANCE: SERIOUS COMMITMENTS?
Tackling climate change means changing the way we produce and
use energy. There is resistance amongst Parties to come up with
a system that can monitor compliance and punish parties should they
not meet their targets (compliance system).
There is a need for binding, legal consequences of non-compliance
with the requirements and emission targets and there needs to be
a strong institution to sanction Parties should they not meet their
targets. Some Parties have suggested that if they do not meet their
targets this time, they will in the next period. So they would just
add the tons they have not saved to future targets. This is called
banking and it is another example of Parties not seeing the light.
Another problem here is that we probably won't be able to say whether
or not a country has met its targets before 2015. This is due to
the complexity of reporting and accounting, in particular for the
transfer of credits under the mechanisms and accounting for sinks
activities. It takes years until the emission data has been reported
and reviewed. The Protocol asks Parties to show that they have made
"demonstrable progress" by 2005. This is a clear signal that countries
should show that they are actually reducing emissions soon. But
countries like the USA, Canada and Australia do not even want to
discuss this issue seriously. Again - these Parties want the international
community to trust them, but why should we? We have not seen any
serious action yet.
-- Friends of the Earth is in favour of a strong compliance
system with financial penalties for countries that do not meet their
targets. There should be an international forum sanctioning these
Parties, comprised of all Parties equally. 2015 is too late to determine
whether action is really being taken to combat climate change. Therefore,
Parties must come up with a system to show that emissions are falling
by 2005 at the latest. --
TO SUM IT UP: BAD GUYS AND GOOD GUYS
In the Climate Change process countries group together in order
to have more political clout.
The countries which usually try to prevent a good deal for the
climate, being more concerned about the interests of their oil,
coal and auto industry are the USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand,
Japan, Norway etc., called the JUSCANNZ group. After COP3, Russia
and the Ukraine joined these countries. Jointly, they are called
the "Umbrella Group".
Developing countries try to coordinate their interests in the "Group
77 +China" (G77) even though a common interest is often hard to
detect. For example, oil exporting countries such as Saudi Arabia
and Venezuela usually try to halt progress while small island States
such as Samoa and the Marshall Islands are among the most progressive
forces in the whole FCCC. The latter have their own group, called
AOSIS, the Alliance of Small Island States. Finally, there is the
EU, trying to coordinate with some eastern European countries like
Poland and Hungary, which have applied for EU Membership. The EU
has been trying to get a fair deal for the climate in the past,
but even its position has weakened and been fudged.
Last year's disasters
International action against climate change
Friends of the Earth's call for action at COP
6
How governments try to wreck the Kyoto Protocol
The UNFCCC
The Kyoto Protocol
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