MONOCULTURE FORESTRY --
A CRITIQUE FROM AN ECOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
Elaborated by Javier Baltodano, Coecoceiba/ Friends of the
Earth-Costa Rica
"The people had already sowed their rice, their corn, their
plantains, their yucca. They had everything and Ston Forestry (company)
and its large tractors came with large machinery and wiped out the
rice fields, the milpas (traditional agricultural systems), all
was leveled to sow melina trees. It was a horrible thing, it was
the drop that filled the glass........." A farmer talking about
the replacement of farmers by the Forestry Company Ston in the Southern
zone of Costa Rica in 1991 (Van den Hombergh, 1999
1. INTRODUCTION
The current Western concept of monocultures of tree species developed
in Europe in the 18th and 19th centuries, triggered by the shortage
of timber caused by the reduction of forest cover. From the beginning,
the aim was to simplify the structure and to speed up the cycles
of natural ecosystems with the objective of producing wood in as
little time as possible and, technically, in the most simple manner.
In this way, monocultures of tree species have ended up as being
characterized by their uniformity. The production of the greatest
quantity of timber (for wood, energy or construction) in the shortest
time and cheapest way possible forms their sole objective. In some
cases this can involve the joint cultivation of various species,
but it always involves cultivating many individual trees of the
same age, and it never reaches the level of biodiversity and complexity
of a natural forest (please note that every forest can be considered
as natural; the adjective only serves as an emphasis).
Like other agricultural monocultures, tree plantations have undergone
intensive technical development during the last decades. Currently
monoculture forestry is an activity which depends upon high inputs
of energy, fertilizer and pesticide inputs. Likewise, due to technological
reasons, the areas established in one single operation have increased,
leading to a number of cases in which plantations cover hundreds
of thousands of hectares.
However, despite its clear characteristics as an agricultural crop
that has little in common with forests, except for the fact that
both systems include trees, there has always been a tendency to
treat forests and plantations as synonyms. It is still common today
to read in textbooks and policy papers, and to hear in ordinary
conversation, that the establishment of monoculture tree plantations
is the same as "reforestation" (Pancel, 1993). One dictionary defines
reforestation as "the act of repopulating a terrain with forest
species.." (Spanish Royal Academy, 1992). Etymologically, however,
the word reforestation means the "reestablishment of forests".
These semantic discussions would not have any real importance for
the environment if it were not for their political consequences
and categorical actions. Classifying the establishment of tree plantations
as reforestation has attributed all the positive associations that
humanity rightly attributes to forests to this type of activity
as well. It is for that reason that in the majority of countries,
in all sectors, varying from schools to the highest levels of political
decision-making, the establishment of tree plantations is seen as
a form of reforestation and thus intrinsically good and beneficial
for the environment and society. This is certainly not true in the
majority of cases. When the concept and practice of tree monocultures
was exported to tropical regions this situation worsened. Basically,
the tremendous biodiversity and the complexity of interactions that
characterize a tropical forest make that this ecosystem differ even
more from a tree monoculture than a forest in temperate zones. However,
the technological package was imported in its entirety and thus
the plantation of tree monocultures in the tropics is being referred
to as "reforestation" with all the attributes associated to this
term.
It is estimated that between 1959 and 1985 a total of almost 17
million hectares was planted in the tropics. In the eighties, the
rate of establishment of tree plantations in the tropics has increased
to 2 - 4 million hectares per year (Pancel, 1993). Due to mistaken
concepts and policies (in many cases generated by the confusion
caused by the term "reforestation"), many tree plantations were
established to the detriment of original forests and/or caused negative
impacts at the ecological and social level (Marchak M.P., 1999;
World Rainforest Movement, 1999).
In the past two decades, the paper industry has increased its demand
of raw material and monoculture tree plantations have been transferred
from regions with a temperate climate to tropical regions where
productivity is higher. Due to fiscal incentives and cheaper labor
in impoverished tropical countries, the production costs are also
considerably lower in these regions. As a consequence, social and
ecological problems have intensified (Carrere, R., Lohmann, L.,
1996).
Moreover, nowadays a new niche in the market threatens to give a
new and substantial financial impetus to monoculture tree plantations.
It concerns the so-called Clean Development Mechanism and specifically
the financial incentives to establish carbon sinks mooted in the
Kyoto Protocol, which are subject to approval during the Conference
of the Parties of the Climate Change Convention that will take place
in November 2000.
These Kyoto mechanisms are the result of a "damage control" strategy
based on the claim that carbon sinks are an effective way of addressing
climate change. In addition to being unproven (IIASA 2000), this
claim misplaces the problem as one of how to "hide" the released
carbon rather than one of how to reduce greenhouse gas emissions,
especially those of industrialized countries. So-called sinks serve
as a smokescreen concealing the fact that the search for and implementation
of real solutions to the problem of climate change are being avoided.
These Kyoto mechanisms have breathed new life into the idea of tree
monocultures and are likely to intensify the problems caused by
this activity.
This document flags and illustrates some of the impacts monoculture
tree plantations have generated on the social as well as the environmental
level, with a special emphasis on impoverished Southern countries.
It is expected that these impacts will intensify if financial resources
that sustain the establishment of these plantations continue to
grow.
2. SOCIAL IMPACTS
First of all it should be noted that the negative impacts of monoculture
tree plantations upon the social level not only include direct impacts,
caused by the transformation of land tenure and the impoverishment
of resources, but also indirect impacts. These are caused by the
fact that the resources invested in monoculture plantations are
thereby withheld from forestry production models which are better
adapted to natural ecosystems and which follow the patterns elaborated
through traditional knowledge, sometimes of thousands of years,
of peoples and communities.
2.1 Misinformation and Confusion
Society in its entirety has been misinformed and confused concerning
the difference between a monoculture tree plantation and a forest.
Misinformation and lack of knowledge have forced entire regions
to accept tree plantation models developed at other latitudes. In
more than a few cases they have been marked as inappropriate and
aggressive by individuals and communities which have opposed these
models. In other cases a large amount of resources have been wasted
on models which, in the end, have not led to the expected results.
Such is the case in Costa Rica, especially in the Huetar Norte
Region, where the species sown have kept on changing in accord with
different fashions during most of the past 20 years, and one try
after another has failed. During this period, tens of millions of
dollars have been invested in monoculture plantations. Nowadays,
more than 70% of these plantations are in a bad state or have not
produced the expected results.
By contrast, the region has neglected, at least during the past
twenty years, the natural potential of secondary regeneration. It
has also lost time in getting to know its rich forest biodiversity
(about 150 tree species of the forest have been exploited in this
zone) and the small producer has basically been excluded from forestry
activities.
False claims about the supposed similarity between forests and plantations
have been spread to protect economic interests and give an "environmental"
gloss to certain companies and activities. An example of this is
the presentation of Gerald Freeman, one of the chief executives
of Stone Container, one of the most important paper production companies
in the USA, on a forestry project of his company in Costa Rica,
when he referred to: "the sowing of 27 million trees which will
result in a permanent tropical forest..." (van den Hombergh, H.,
1999).
2.2 Change in Land Tenure and Replacement of Rural Communities
and Farmers
It is common that large tree plantation projects promote a change
in land tenure, modifications in an agricultural structure based
upon the small and medium-scale producer, and the displacement of
communities. The displaced families have to look for new opportunities
in other areas, and thus they end up cutting primary forests, or
increasing urban problems in the misery zones around large cities.
The Ston Forestry company's activities in the south of Costa Rica
once again provide an example: "...the desire and need to be able
to produce upon their own lands formed one of the main motivations
of the farmers to oppose [the forestry project of] Ston, which was
taking away people's lands with ease and for low prices." (Van den
Hombergh, 1999, p.97). Despite strong opposition, this company displaced
at least about 300 families from almost 14,000 hectares to sow Gmelina
tree monocultures in the south of Costa Rica. Likewise, Carrere
and Lohmann (1996) quote many examples which demonstrate how the
aggressive expansion of monoculture forestry directly replaces communities
or has direct negative effects upon vital resources like water or
biodiversity, affecting the quality of life of the population.
"In a number of social contexts, large-scale industrial plantations
can generate new jobs at the local level and this is one of the
arguments, by the State as well as the companies, to try to convince
communities to accept their projects. On average, however, plantation
development results in a net loss of employment in the long term."
(Morrison and Bass, 1992, cited by Carrere and Lohmann, 1996.) Thus,
for example, in the places which have supposedly seen the most successful
establishment of industrial tree monocultures in Chile and Brazil,
some communities have been rejuvenated and modern sawmills have
generally improved the quality of life of their workers. However,
at the same time, a large number of farmers and indigenous peoples
were "excluded" and left without land due to the establishment of
new plantations. (Marchak, 1995)
2.3 Lack of Participation and Loss of Local Knowledge
In many cases contemporary forestry development projects based
upon tree monocultures were developed by technicians, persons alienated
from the ecological, social and cultural reality of the site. Companies
arrive with their aggressive policies to achieve their economic
goals without any wish to understand history, culture or even more
basic issues like the state of land tenure in the region. Moreover,
small-scale monoculture tree projects implanted from the outside
have seldom been successful and in a number of cases they have been
referred to as "...an external intervention in villages and nations."
(Dargavel, Hobley and Kengen, 1985,cited by Marchak, 1995)
In Costa Rica, the development of monoculture forestry goes hand
in hand with the development of tree nursery production companies,
which produce millions of small trees of the desired species in
an intensive manner. In 1999, of the 2 million small trees necessary
to plant the approximately two thousand hectares which are normally
planted in one year in the Northern Zone of the country, 1.2 million
consisted of two species and were produced by only two companies
(Castro E., 1999). Small and medium producers who might involve
themselves in the development of nurseries of native species have
been excluded. Yet their inclusion could have provided a boost to
their economy, motivated them to conserve forests as gene banks,
and permitted them to build capacity in the management and administration
of nurseries.
On the other hand, due to the pressure of monocultures, a lot of
tradition and knowledge has been lost. An example of this is the
case of the traditions of the Maleku people in the north of Costa
Rica. In this zone some 40,000 hectares of tree plantations have
been sown in the last decades, with about 41 million trees divided
among four species. Some 90% of these plantations have benefited
from forestry subsidies from the State. However, not a penny was
spent to help the Maleku people to recuperate the mastate (Poulsenia
armata, Familia Moraceae), a tree which disappeared due to the pressure
of deforestation in the zone, and which formed the basis for an
industry of tapetes and crafts of this people.
2.4 Impoverishment of Resources and Inequity in their Distribution
In general, it is common that a reduction of the availability
of fundamental natural resources for local populations accompanies
large forestry projects. As will be analyzed below, extensive tree
plantation monocultures diminish biodiversity, the quality of water,
and the structure and fertility of the soil. The result is a negative
impact upon the quality of local life.
A paradoxical case and good example of this situation has occurred
in South Africa, where there are a number of communities surrounded
by huge tree plantations from which fuelwood to satisfy basic energy
needs is unavailable. "There is no fuelwood to cook anymore; the
forestry people have burnt our forests." said a woman in the region
of Natal (Carrere and Lohmann, 1996).
On the other hand, resources generated by forestry projects remain
in a few hands and in more than a few cases they constitute or enrich
capitalist enterprises outside the country, or outside the areas
where the plantations are found. Such is the case of Indonesia,
where forestry industries are being concentrated in the hands of
a few influential families as they grow. (Carrere and Lohmann, 1996)
3. ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS
3.1 Biodiversity
Monoculture plantations have a biological diversity which is a
lot lower than that of a natural forest (Watson, 1999), and in the
great majority of cases it is also much lower than the biodiversity
of meadows with trees and other natural ecosystems. Monoculture
tree plantations have contributed little to the conservation, study,
and use of the biodiversity.
The function of plantations as a biological corridor that permits
a genetic flow and interchange (for plants as well as animals) between
natural forest patches which are being isolated in many regions
has also not been evaluated.
On the other hand, it should be stated that reforestation programs
that include mixed species and at least a percentage of tree species
from reduced or threatened populations have reduced the serious
threat of extinction which certain tree species all over the world
face.
In many cases, tree plantations have replaced natural forest. Carrere
and Lohmann (1996), present a rich compilation of examples where
tree plantations have had a direct or indirect impact upon natural
forests and thus upon biodiversity in general in the region. They
analyze cases in South America, South Africa and Asia.
In other cases, tree plantations have affected, or have been established
to the detriment of, other ecosystems of great importance for biodiversity
conservation, such as tropical wetlands. In the south of Costa Rica,
Ston Forestry, a subsidiary of Ston Container (one of the largest
wood pulp processors) is facing judicial prosecution for causing
the desiccation of wetlands (van den Hombergh, 1999)
On the other hand, large tree plantations adjacent to conservation
zones can have a "border effect" upon such areas. In the Osa peninsula
in Costa Rica, for example, some biologists are questioning the
impact of hundreds of thousands of Gmelina fruit trees upon natural
populations of parrots and guacamayos in the Corcovado National
Park. If these populations increase due to a resource which may
be cut at any time, they will have to look for refuge and food amongst
the limited resources of the national park, thus affecting the equilibrium
of its ecology.
3.2 Soil Deterioration: Infertility and Erosion
The discussion on the impact of tree plantations upon soil resources
has been very polemical and tendentious and is not yet concluded.
The main argument of forestry companies is that the impact of tree
plantations upon the soil is of relatively little importance if
compared to the impact intensive agriculture has. However, there
is evidence that fast-growing trees have an extractive effect upon
soil fertility and that they tend to impoverish the soil and unbalance
its structure. (World Rainforest Movement, 1999)
Moreover, some species show repressive effects on the growth of
other plants through the release of certain substances. This is
the case with Eucalyptus, which tends to acidify the soil, and Gmelina,
which inhibits the growth of plants which are not of the same species.
Other plantation practices, including preparation of the soil before
planting, plantation management, and harvesting, also favor erosive
processes, especially in areas with steep slopes.
3.3 Deterioration of Hydrological Systems
Tree plantations present a physiological and morphological structure
which is very different from that of a forest or other natural ecosystem.
Thus, their capacity to absorb and release rainwater varies a lot
according to the species and climatic conditions. It is recognized
that large cypress plantations tend to stimulate evaporation and
reduce the germination of seedlings. In this particular species,
water is retained in the foliage, from which large quantities evaporate
before they reach the soil.
Other species like Teak (Tectona grandis), with its large leaves,
tend to concentrate rainwater and release it in large drops that
damage the soil, promoting erosion and heavy run-off.
The Eucalyptus presents a case similar to that of conifers, it tends
to reduce the flow of water into the aquifers. This species tends
to dry wetlands and swamps, which are being used to control of certain
plagues (mosquitoes), and to dry wetlands. (Castro, E., 1999)
One of the aspects which probably influences the regulation of the
hydrological cycle the most as far as the forest is concerned is
the presence of the undergrowth. This undergrowth fulfills the role
of a "sponge in the shade" which retains water without evaporation,
and slowly releases it to the soil. However, in a managed tree plantation
the undergrowth is eliminated.
The infiltration level of rainwater is another affected factor.
This depends upon the type of humus generated by the tree plantations,
the level of compaction that has occurred during the preparation
of the soil and the type, and the depth and biomass of the roots
found in the tree plantation (World Rainforest Movement, 1999).
Compared to a forest, a tree plantation tends to have a lower infiltration
level, which is why it promotes erosion processes and a reduction
in the aquifers recharge.
4. FORESTS, TREE PLANTATIONS AND THE URGENT NEED TO REDUCE GREENHOUSE
GAS EMISSIONS
4.1 A Dangerous Lie
It is true that wood consists of carbon molecules, and that a
plantation should fix a certain volume of CO2 during its growing
stages. There is a tremendous difference, however, between a deposit
of carbon in the subsoil (an oil and coal bank) and a tree plantation
exposed to the atmosphere. Some of the most relevant aspects of
this discussion include:
- The difference between mineral carbon accumulated in geological
deposits and carbon in a plantation, which can be considered as
"fragile", is that above-ground carbon can be absorbed into the
atmosphere at any moment (Lohmann, L., 2000). In fact, the majority
of current plantations are based upon monocultures of fast-growing
softwood species and in many cases the wood of these species is
used as fiber for papermaking. This type of wood, and the paper
or cardboard produced from it, decomposes rapidly, releasing CO2
and other gasses which contribute to the greenhouse effect. Likewise,
the wood is subject to accidental fires through which the accumulated
carbon can be released.
- The establishment of plantations has direct and indirect impacts
upon other areas. These impacts tend to lead to processes that
release CO2 and other greenhouse gasses. The displacement of farmers
and communities, for example, favors deforestation in other areas.
Likewise, desiccation of wetlands and other changes in the hydrological
regime lead to increased frequency and intensity of wildfires.
- The costs of presumed carbon fixation through plantations are
popularly supposed to be far less than the costs of a true reduction
of emissions, and this is what the interest in plantations as
carbon sinks is based upon, especially the interest of business.
4.2 The Forest is a More Stable Carbon Bank
Primary forests, or more natural models of environmental reconstruction
which make use of natural regeneration, as well as the establishment
of mixed species which mimic the forest, such as Analogue Forestry
Models (Analog Forestry Network 1997, Baltodano, J., 2000), are
more stable and secure accumulators of CO2. At the same time, these
systems fulfill other social and ecological functions. The wood
produced through these systems is of a better quality and can be
used for structures and furniture that lasts a longer time. The
forest is kept standing, is not subjected to clearcutting and short
cycles, and due to its structure, is less vulnerable to fires.
4.3 Ecological Debt by Sinks
Ethically, the concept of "monoculture tree plantations as carbon
sinks" embodies a major fallacy through which certain companies
and governments are proposing to elude their responsibility for
the future of humanity and our planet. Climate change, which is
widely recognized as one of the greatest threats to life and the
ecological equilibrium of our planet, is turning into a new market
niche -- a market niche in which reducing the costs of capturing
a metric ton of carbon has become more important than the reduction
of the greenhouse effect.
Corporations and industrialized countries should reduce greenhouse
gasses in a direct manner. Moreover, they should phase out the massive
transport of oil and coal from underground deposits to the atmosphere.
On the other hand there is an urgent need to invest in the restoration
and conservation of forest areas all over the world --forest areas
which are integrated as a complement to the economies of local communities,
which serve as a protection and buffer against disasters and which
guarantee the conservation of biodiversity and related resources.
Investment in ecological restoration should come from the industrialized
world in the form of a payment of the ECOLOGICAL DEBT (and this
is practically the only financial resource available) -- a debt
which has accumulated through more than five centuries of unilateral
exploitation and destruction of the resources that we all share
and need.
The resources needed are available, and in any case, they are less
than the damages which have occurred, even if one only takes into
account the disasters caused by Hurricane Mitch in Central America
or by the rains which hit Venezuela at the turn of the century.
The resources are there; the only thing that is lacking is to leave
stinginess behind and to take adequate political decisions.
5. REFERENCES
Aguilar X. 1996. "Madera del bosque
sin cortar árboles", en : Revista Forestal Centroamericana, No.16,
año5, 1996, Catie, C.R.
Analog Forest Network, 1997. Analog Forestry Manual, Falls Book
Center, New Brunswick, Canada, 18pp.
Asacode. 1995. Los agricultores de ASACODE muestran el camino: El
desarrollo forestal social en San Miguel, Costa Rica. Bosques, árboles
y comunidades rurales, No 19-20
Baltodano J. 1999. Reflexiones en torno al tema forestal en los
distritos Cutris y Cureña, Cantón de San Carlos: Hacia una propuesta
ecologista. Coecoceiba-Amigos de la Tierra, Costa Rica, San José,
CR.
Baltodano J. 1998. "Experiencias en Gestión Local del Pago de Servicios
Ambientales".. En : I Congreso regional de Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo
Sostenible, Ciudad de Guatemala 17-21 Agosto 1998. Facultad Latinoamericana
de Ciencias Sociales, Guatemala.
Baltodano J. 2000, La plantación forestal como herramienta campesina
para la reconstrucción ambiental y la incorporación del árbol como
complement dentro de la economía familiar. Coecoceiba- amigos de
la Tierra CR, San José, Costa Rica. 7pp )
Baltodano J., Juanes, C. Y Díaz F. 1999. Tratamiento Silvicultural
y Pago de Servicios Ambientales en la Zona Norte de Costa Rica:
Una contradicción poco discutida.COECOCEIBA-Amigos de la Tierra,
Costa Rica, San José, Costa Rica
Carranza, C.F.; Aylward, B; Echeverría, J.; Tosi, J. Y Mejías, R.
1996. Valoración de los Servicios Ambientales de los Bosques de
Costa Rica. MINAE. San José, Costa Rica
Movimiento Mundial por los Bosques 1999. Campaña Plantaciones: Plantaciones
de pulpa de papel, un problema creciente. Instituto Tercer Mundo,
Jacson 1136, Montevideo Uruguay, 31pp)
Carrere R. Y Lohmann L. 1996. El Papel del Sur, Plantaciones Forestales
en la Estrategia Papelera Internacional . Red mexicana de acción
frente al libre Comercio (RMALC) e Instituto tercer Mundo. México
DF 282pp.
Castro E. 1999. Plantaciones de Monocultivos Forestales en la Zona
Norte, Una Revisión Bibliográfica. Coecoceiba-Amigos de la Tierra,
Costa Rica, San José, CR,57pp
Lohmann L. 2000. El Mercado del carbono: sembrando mas problemas.
Documento Informativo, Campaña de Plantaciones, Movimiento Mundial
por los Bosques, Montevideo Uruguay, 31 pp
Marchack M.P.,1999 Logging the globe. Mc Gill University press,
Montreal, Canada 404pp
Movimiento Mundial por los Bosques 1999. Campaña Plantaciones: Plantaciones
de pulpa de papel, un problema creciente. Instituto Tercer Mundo,
Jacson 1136, Montevideo Uruguay, 31pp)
Pancel L. 1993. Tropical Forestry Handbook, Springel-Verlag, Berlin,
Germany 809pp
Pasos, R. 1994. El último despale. Proyecto Frontera agrícola Centroamericana.
San José, Costa Rica
Real Academia Española 1992. Diccionario de la Lengua Española,
XX1 Edición. Editorial Espasa-Calpe.SA, Madrid, España 1513pp.
Sánchez, J.A.,1999, Experiencias en reforestación con especies nativas,
con especial atención a la Región Huetar Norte de Costa Rica, Proyecto
Río San Juan- Amigos de la Tierra, Miméografo, Upala, C:R.
Solís V. 1999. Algunas consideraciones en torno a las plantaciones
forestales y el bosque secundario en la Zona Norte. En: Anexo 2.
Memoria Seminario Taller: Situación actual y perspectivas de las
plantaciones forestales y bosques secundarios en la Región Huetar
Norte, Octubre 1999. Area de Conservación Arenal-Huetar Norte, MINAE.
Van den Hombergh H. 1999. Guerreros del Golfo Dulce, pag 42. DEI,
Colección Universitaria, San José, Costa Rica, 339pp
Watson V., Cervantes S., Castro C., Mora L., Solís M., Porras I.,
Cornejo B. 1998. Abriendo espacio para una mejor actividad forestal.
Políticas exitosas para bosques y gentes. Ed . San José, C.R. Centro
Científico Tropical, 136 p.
| download as RTF | download
as PDF |
|